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Torture — and the fear that it generates — has always been at the core of the military government’s efforts to quell popular resistance.

Entrance of Insein Prison in the suburbs of Yangon, Myanmar.

On June 26, CNN reported the story of Nathan Maung, an American Burmese journalist who was released after being detained by the Burmese military for three months and tortured during the period. On June 22, Human Rights Watch published the account of a 17-year-old boy who repeatedly beaten him with a bamboo stick filled with cement, hit the head with a rifle, and buried his neck with wood. Simulation execution.

These are just two of the hundreds or even thousands of survivors of rampant torture by the military government since the coup on February 1. -Theft or cover-up-weekly strikes against local and global media. Numerous accounts of beatings and coercive interrogations, threats, and humiliation of previously detained Myanmar citizens have witnessed the daily torture of more than 6,000 detainees after the coup.

We are faced with testimonies of rounded up protesters who were forced to kneel when they were beaten by pipes and chains, and testimonies of rape and sexual assault that left female detainees wounded and bleeding, unable to walk or speak. Some people cannot survive this torture. The Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP), which records the extent of illegal arrests, killings and kidnappings by the military government, reported on June 26 that at least 24 people have been tortured to death since the coup. Social media is also flooded with reports of violent attacks by security officials against unarmed protesters and bystanders. This clearly proves that torture—not only during detention, but also on the streets and in people’s homes—is at the core of the military government’s efforts to quell civil disobedience.

This is not just sad; it is absolutely unacceptable and illegal. For decades, torture has poisoned the lives of Burmese people, but now this destructive practice is causing damage in a particularly explosive way. The fact that police officers and soldiers serving the military government are committing serious international torture crimes unscrupulously every day should prompt us to take action.

We are part of a team of DIGNITY researchers at the Danish Anti-Torture Institute who have studied the history and contemporary practices of incarceration in Myanmar. Our analysis based on field investigations shows that colonialism and military dictatorship have deeply imprinted the culture and practices of torture and violence in the depths of the Burmese country. One example is the infamous pon san torture technique in painful pressure poses, which is still a common punishment in Burmese prisons today.

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However, our research also shows that although the democratic reforms of the last decade are ambiguous and incomplete in many respects, they have made initial progress in protecting prisoners from torture. During this period, security agencies have shown some interest in implementing less violent practices, and the media, civil society, and academia have expanded the space to address this sensitive issue. The military government, which ended this period of democratic progress, now wants to stop this fledgling but important development and plunge Myanmar into the shadow of national terror once again.

For the anti-torture movement, the ineffectiveness of torture has become an axiom. In a sense, this is true. Torture does not produce credible evidence. However, torture still plays a role: it destroys people and undermines the resolve of the public in a way that national terrorist organizations such as the Myanmar military fight for and survive.

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Although more and more national violence has actually hindered the democratic progress made in the past decade or so, it also works in the minds of individuals, eroding their rationality and mutual trust. It is rare for security personnel to be coaxed and coerced to kill, dissent or defect, because soldiers are forced to protect their own economic interests and protect themselves and their families from threats from their superiors.

This culture of obedience, silence, and dependence is based on the military government’s strategic isolation of ordinary people from society, while dissidents and civilians are denigrated, dehumanized and turned into enemies by racist and nationalist propaganda. Although we should not rush to attribute pathological tendencies to the perpetrators, we should be prepared to understand the forces behind these behaviors. Torture hurts the perpetrators and traumatizes the victims. It tarnishes the structure of society and weakens the public and private institutions that can challenge and resist state terror—from the courts to the family.

The current military government in Myanmar is not a regime that is likely to be deterred by international anger. It is accused of committing nothing more than genocide in the past five years, and knows that international justice is slow for the good and illusory when it is bad. However, although the international criminal justice system has not held accountable any member of any military regime in Myanmar so far, documents remain the key. We must ensure that these terrorist incidents are recorded in such detail that they can evoke a heartfelt response from future generations. Any pursuit of accountability must conform to the broad and inclusive vision of memory, truth, and justice. Research clearly shows that torture is not just an incident. This is a process that must prohibit torture and its stability in the afterlife, here and now, especially in the long run.

The UK-based Myanmar Accountability Project is currently innovating to bring perpetrators of torture in Myanmar to justice. Myanmar NGOs and community organizations are seeking to systematically document local atrocities and capture the accounts of torture survivors in order to promote remediation and recognition. In addition, activities are under way to provide counseling to torture survivors in remote border areas.

A multi-pronged approach is needed to legitimize the practice and culture of torture, prosecute the perpetrators, rehabilitate survivors, reconcile social groups, develop professional capabilities, and curb the intergenerational damage that has been caused. The international community can play a key role here, supporting local actors in the fight against torture in Myanmar, and constantly advocating that torture must not be stabilized and must not be accepted as the norm.

The coup showed that Myanmar's democratic government has no room to share power with the military. When the coup collapsed again, the violent core of the Burmese army was not allowed to linger in the government. The government of national unity, composed of deposed elected officials and representatives of many ethnic groups, has so far faced deep-rooted prejudices in unprecedented ways, such as promising to repeal discriminatory citizenship laws. In order to realize the contours of Myanmar’s new future, a legal and institutional framework that breaks the cycle of violence must be formulated. No one should be tortured, dehumanized and devalued. The cornerstone must be laid this time.

Dr. Tomas Max Martin is a senior researcher at DIGNITY and an expert in global southern prison anthropology.

Ergun Cakal is legal counsel of DIGNITY and a PhD researcher at the University of Copenhagen, specializing in the legal framework surrounding torture.

Hannah Russell is a research assistant at DIGNITY and co-founder of Myanmar Action Group Denmark, working on disability issues in Myanmar.